



'Race murder' charges dropped!
Alan Travis, Home Affairs Editor The Guardian,Friday 30 July 1993 14.58.
Fears of renewed racial violence in south-east London were raised yesterday after charges against two teenagers accused of murdering a black schoolboy, Stephen Lawrence , were dropped.
The Crown Prosecution Service said there was 'insufficient evidence to provide a realistic prospect of a conviction' in a case which has sparked anti-racist demonstrations across London.
The two boys, aged 16 and 17, both from Lewisham, had been accused of stabbing to death Stephen Lawrence , aged 18, at a bus stop in Eltham, south-east London, in April in what police described as an 'outrageous and senseless' racially motivated attack. They were due to be committed for trial next week.
Stephen Lawrence 's family , who were visited by the African National Congress leader, Nelson Mandela, when he was last in London, said they were devastated by the decision. 'We were constantly told by the police to trust them and that they were doing all they could. It obviously wasn't good enough. As Nelson Mandela told us, 'Black lives are cheap',' said Cheryl Sloley, Stephen's aunt.
His parents were to travel back from Jamaica, where they took their son's body for burial, for next week's hearing. At his funeral in Woolwich last month, Stephen's father, Neville, called for the closure of the British National Party headquarters in nearby Welling.
Stephen, who was an A level student and hoped to become an architect, was with a friend waiting to catch a bus home when they were set upon by a group of four to six white youths.
Scotland Yard, whose detectives have interviewed 2,500 people, refused to comment on the CPS decision but said the murder inquiry would continue. Two teenagers arrested on May 7 remain on police bail.
The family's solicitor, Imran Khan, said he feared the decision could spark local racial unrest. 'It is quite unbelievable that the police have been unable to secure the evidence required to commit these youths for trial after three months.'
Peter Bottomley, Conservative MP for Eltham, said he was surprised by the decision but appealed to the local community not to take the law into its own hands, warning that only injustice would follow. He urged the Attorney-General to ask the CPS for a full explanation of their decision. 'We have to trust the CPS.'
But the Anti-Racist Alliance last night claimed the decision proved that 'there is something rotten at the heart of the Crown Prosecution Service when it deals with racist murders' and demanded that racial violence be made a specific criminal offence.
The article puts into perspective the position of black people within society, as it proved that young black teenagers may feel they have no justice over police officers, therefore causing moral panics in society that the UK police force is racist. Therefore putting the question "How society has changed over the years and how these changes are reflected in different media texts", can be quite easily proven. The main change within this particular text would be the idea of justice not being given to black youth when involved with crime or the police. Media texts such as films like Kidulthood and Adulthood empathise the view that black teenagers don't get justice when involved in crime. For example in Kidulthood, when a young black teenager dies, the murder only suffers 4 years in jail rather than life. Also media texts such as Contemporary UK News that is broadcasted on TV, may differ as certain story lines are broadcasted in order to show people what they need to know, " its constructed versions of events usually serve dominant interests" Branston, Gill (2003) : The Media Students Book. New York: Routledge. This quote therefore shows what kind of impact this will have on a n audience as they are only shown relevant information rather than fair and realistic views that commence society today.
When comparing this article to my contemporary article, it shows that most articles today written abut black teenagers focus more on the idea that not enough positive imagery or representation of black teenagers are portrayed enough in the UK News. This therefore shows a change in society as some articles may show that not all black teenagers are related to crime, and also some articles show that justice is taken when dealing with other crime related cases.
On the idea of whether or not this text is similar or different to a more contemporary text, it shows that there has been a change in the way articles are written, however stereotypes and representations are still portrayed in a slight same way as black teenagers a re still associated with gun and knife crime or being members of gangs.
When it comes to imagery surrounding black youngsters, I'm used to the relentlessly negative – knife crime, underachievement, family breakdown, we've all seen it.
I've just had an evening, though, which was the exact opposite – unremittingly positive. The occasion was the London Schools and the Black Child awards ceremony, organised by the MP Diane Abbott and held at the House of Commons.
It highlighted the academic achievements of black youngsters at GCSE, A-Level and degree level. This wasn't an evening celebrating mediocrity – the plague of the burgeoning awards industry – but a roll call of excellence and dedication. And it wasn't about just one or two exceptional cases (more often than not being subliminally interpreted as "the exception which proves the rule" by those who continue to see black people in entirely negative terms).
The power of the occasion was that we heard one story after another of young people defying the stereotypes, overcoming the odds – and, in many cases, giving back to their community too. Altogether, 24 tales of great achievement. And, even more significant, there were just as many boys represented as girls
Youngsters such as Keli Dusu, who gained 5 As at A-level but has still found time to work as a volunteer for the Salvation Army Youth Club, and also to coach a group of autistic children. Or Rochelle Balach, who, without parental support, had to work to fund herself through sixth-form college, yet still emerged with three A-grades. Or Hannah Kendall, who has just qualified with a first-class degree from the Royal College of Music, had her compositions performed by the Philharmonia Orchestra at the Royal Festival Hall, and who volunteers at schools in Lambeth. And the story of Lawrence Price, diagnosed with learning difficulties and ADHD as a child, who rejected the extra help he was offered, and who has just graduated with a first in history from Oxford.
We also heard a touching and personal talk from Hollywood actor Naomie Harris about her own mother's drive to get a degree and eventually become a successful TV scriptwriter despite having Naomie when still a teenager.
The significance of all these stories was that, by hearing so many, it made the exceptional appear ordinary, and achievable. As I looked out over the Thames, though, I thought: how do we get these uplifting messages out there, beyond this House of Commons room – where they can challenge the relentless gangsta-rap videos, or negative news coverage? Where teenagers are given the message that blackness is about violence and aggression, and that to show any sign of academic interest is to be some kind of race sellout.
"You're in the media: will you be writing about this?" asked one person of me after the ceremony. And I thought: if a fight had broken out, or if one person had drawn a knife, the event would be front-page news. Such are the news values of my honourable profession.
Ultimately, this is a battle: between the multibillion music and media industries, and people like Abbott, who get on with schemes like this because it's the right thing to do. Waiting for these industries to change will take a very long time. In the meantime, though, it should surely be possible, for example, to circulate a DVD of this event in urban classrooms around the country, where it could have an immediate and positive impact. Can a sponsor can be found to fund such a thing?
For the record: I was outraged when Abbott sent her child to private school; but I have to say that organising an event like this far outweighs her ideologically off-message moment. One day, I hope, Abbott's message will get through; but in the meantime as least she has the pleasure of working with some bright, keen and enthusiastic young hopefuls and giving them huge inspiration.
ASA raps 'racist' poster for kids' charity
The Advertising Standards Authority also found that another billboard ad for the Kids Company charity that stated "You are right – kids who can kill really are wrong in the head" beneath a picture of four black teenagers was likely to cause offence.
In addition, this ad made misleading claims about a supposed link between emotional development, brain size and violent behaviour, the ASA said.
Both ads were judged to be in breach of the ASA's code on decency, with the one featuring the claims about brain size also falling foul of clauses on truthfulness and substantiation.
The ASA conceded that Kids Company meant to raise awareness about the children it sought to help, but nevertheless ordered the charity not to re-use the ads, two out of five used in a poster campaign.
In its defence, the charity said the campaign as a whole had used a cross-section of local children from different backgrounds in and around Kilburn, north London.
According to Kids Company, the racial mix was representative of the children from the youth clubs in that area, with 80% of the children that came to it for help from Afro-Caribbean backgrounds, a proportion that was again reflected by the ads.
The Outdoor Advertising Association said it had cleared the ads as they contained both black and white children and were spread as evenly as possible across nine different stations.
Kids Company's ads were designed to "confront superficial judgments and prejudices" and challenged the viewer to reject stereotypes, the charity added.
The charity said the ad showing the black teenagers harassing the white man opposed the viewer's presumption – spelled out in the headline "How do you get inside the head of a 16-year-old knife-wielding thug?" – with the charity's point of view, written in italics: "First get inside the head of a 16-year-old bed-wetting boy."
However, the ASA found that this ad "focused on a negative image of black teenagers that was likely to reinforce negative stereotypes and was therefore racist".
The watchdog also said the ad linking violent teenagers to emotional underdevelopment "was likely to cause serious offence because it featured only black teenagers".
Kids Company said two images of the brain it used in this ad – one, larger brain was labelled "normal", while a smaller one was marked "extreme neglect" – had been taken from a US study on child trauma and brain development that demonstrated the effect of sensory deprivation on brain size.
However, the ASA said its interpretation of the study suggested it was referring to factors such as nutrition and children being raised in cages in dark rooms, not just to emotional development.
Moreover, the regulator rejected the idea that there was evidence that brain size had an impact on violent behaviour, as it found the ad had implied.
Article #3
The silenced majority
Since January, the term knife crime has been used more than 1,500 times by the national press - and it is a fair bet that most media images associated with these figures will be of young black men. Unsurprisingly, this is leading to a growing sense of frustration among black community leaders, academics and, not least, black youngsters themselves, over what they see as blatant misrepresentation.
Black youths who fit this media stereotype represent a tiny fraction of the young black population as a whole, they argue, and while negative stories about black teenagers are almost guaranteed headlines, the positive achievements of black youth go largely ignored.
This trend has consequences beyond creating an unbalanced picture. Numerous studies have shown a clear link between media furore and draconian policy-making, says Kjartan Sveinsson, the author of a Runnymede Trust report on the ways in which popular understandings of race and crime influence media reporting, and vice versa. "The tragedy is this can increase racial tension on the street and do little to stem the violence," he says.
Which in turn, of course, leads to further reports of violence, and the circle continues. In April 2007, for instance, after a number of high-profile shootings in south London, Tony Blair made a speech to the Cardiff Chamber of Commerce. Was he perhaps responding to media pressure when he asked: "When are we going to start saying this [gang crime] is a problem amongst a section of the black community and not, for reasons of political correctness, pretend it has nothing to do with it?"
There was no ambiguity when David Cameron spoke after the death of 11-year-old Rhys Jones in Liverpool, singling out the media by saying: "Deaths by fists, knives and guns are becoming a regular feature of British news ... these murders must draw a line in the sand."
In Manchester, one group of black teenagers, who believe they should have made headlines for the right reasons, are angry at their treatment by the media. So much so they have published an open letter on the subject
The Reclaim project began as a pilot in the autumn of 2007 at Urbis, an exhibition centre in Manchester, to work with 12-14-year-old boys from Moss Side and other perceived trouble spots in the city. The idea was spawned as a reaction to rising youth violence and the negative portrayal of young people, especially from the African-Caribbean community.
Number Five ...
New racism finds a Yardie stick: The idea of a black and white yobbo 'underclass' is dangerous, warns Kenan Malik
KENAN MALIK
Wednesday, 3 November 1993
AT THE heart of the panic about the Yardies, whose mentality the pundits have been having a field day trying to explain, lies a distinction between decent folk and disreputable others.
The Sunday Telegraph noted 'the profile built up by the police of youngsters to whom ordinary standards of social behaviour have no meaning . . . It is a picture of man stripped of all civilising concepts of love, pity, conscience'.
At first sight, this debate looks suspiciously similar to previous panics about black crime. There is a long history of media and police campaigns attempting to associate crime with black youth.
The most infamous was the 'mugging' scare of the early Eighties, when the Metropolitan Police invented a category of crime specifically to propagate the idea that young blacks were disproportionately associated with street crime. Such panics had the effect of criminalising the black community and reinforcing the idea that black people did not really belong in Britain.
The current debate about Yardies has a somewhat different tenor. It distinguishes not so much between black and white as between respectable blacks and an 'underclass' outside 'civilised' society, composed of black and white, whose values and morals seem very different from those of the rest of us. As one black south London resident put it: 'Whether they're black or white, they're a different people. You can't tell them anything, you can't sit down and reason with them, you can't talk to them.'
Contrast this discussion with the debate about the treatment meted out to PC Les Turner by anti-racist demonstrators. Mr Turner was the black policeman hospitalised after suffering what he called a 'racist attack' by demonstrators on the Anti-Nazi League march in south London two weeks ago.
'I wore the Queen's crown,' he said, 'and I was the wrong symbol of authority to them.' At first he 'couldn't understand why there were so few black people on the march'; then he realised that 'decent black folk would not come to a march like this'.
This story has several themes. It emphasises the idea that black people are not only an integral part of British society, but that they are now also in the front line, defending the authority of the Crown. It implies that defence of the Crown includes the defence of equal rights for black people. And it helps to emphasise the distinction between decent black folk (who would no more take part in such a march than they would take crack) and those who are criminals.
Enter John Patten. If decent black folk do not take part in violent marches, deal in crack or shoot policemen, then decent white folk do not vote for the British National Party or riot in Rotterdam. That was the Education Secretary's message when he tried to reclaim the Union Jack from racists and yobbos.
Nationalism was only safe, it was suggested, in the hands of the right kind of people. Middle-class flag-waving, as at the Tory conference, is respectable; but if the national flag is placed in the hands of a working-class lout, its message becomes abhorrent.
Underlying all this is the idea that the racist is a product of the white underclass: a young working-class man with cropped hair, tattoos and DMs, someone who is ignorant and driven by blind prejudice - certainly too stupid to understand that racism is morally abhorrent.
According to popular myth, such people are not simply racist, but responsible for most other vices in society, too. The BNP's ranks, one newspaper has observed, 'are full of drug pushers, gunrunners, thugs, murderers, child molesters'. They are not like us, is the message. White yobbos, like black Yardies, are not part of civilised society. Morally, socially and intellectually, the underclass, black and white, is inferior to the rest of us.
At first sight, this recasting of the notion of inferiority in moral terms seems positive. After all, it implies that biological differences are not important; that the real distinctions arise from our behaviour, values and morals. But worrying consequences stem from these ideas.
First, they obscure the oppression of black people, by attaching racism to an 'underclass' rather than a society that treats black people as second- class citizens. It is easy to blame white yobbos for racial violence; much harder to confront the deep-seated structural causes of black inequality. We should always be wary of easy explanations.
Second, by giving notions of inferiority and superiority a moral rather than biological guise, such ideas are rendered more acceptable.
Arguments such as these not only fail to undermine racist ideas, they also provide the basis for a new form of racism. Talk of Yardies or yobbos being a 'different people' may be simply rhetorical, but it leads to the assumption that divisions in society are permanent or unbridgeable, even if they are not biological.
Victorian society castigated the 'undeserving poor' in terms remarkably similar to many contemporary descriptions of the Nineties underclass. The relationship between 'outcast England' and 'respectable society' provided the model for understanding the relationship between 'civilised' Europe and 'savage' Africa, and laid the basis for racial thinking. We should be wary of treading this path a second time.
Number Two ...
Eric Allison
Monday 25 August 2008
The silenced majority.
Since January, the term knife crime has been used more than 1,500 times by the national press - and it is a fair bet that most media images associated with these figures will be of young black men. Unsurprisingly, this is leading to a growing sense of frustration among black community leaders, academics and, not least, black youngsters themselves, over what they see as blatant misrepresentation.
Black youths who fit this media stereotype represent a tiny fraction of the young black population as a whole, they argue, and while negative stories about black teenagers are almost guaranteed headlines, the positive achievements of black youth go largely ignored.
This trend has consequences beyond creating an unbalanced picture.
Numerous studies have shown a clear link between media furore and draconian policy-making, says Kjartan Sveinsson, the author of a Runnymede Trust report on the ways in which popular understandings of race and crime influence media reporting, and vice versa. "The tragedy is this can increase racial tension on the street and do little to stem the violence," he says.
Which in turn, of course, leads to further reports of violence, and the circle continues. In April 2007, for instance, after a number of high-profile shootings in south London, Tony Blair made a speech to the Cardiff Chamber of Commerce. Was he perhaps responding to media pressure when he asked: "When are we going to start saying this [gang crime] is a problem amongst a section of the black community and not, for reasons of political correctness, pretend it has nothing to do with it?"
There was no ambiguity when David Cameron spoke after the death of 11-year-old Rhys Jones in Liverpool, singling out the media by saying: "Deaths by fists, knives and guns are becoming a regular feature of British news ... these murders must draw a line in the sand."
In Manchester, one group of black teenagers, who believe they should have made headlines for the right reasons, are angry at their treatment by the media. So much so they have published an open letter on the subject (see below
The Reclaim project began as a pilot in the autumn of 2007 at Urbis, an exhibition centre in Manchester, to work with 12-14-year-old boys from Moss Side and other perceived trouble spots in the city. The idea was spawned as a reaction to rising youth violence and the negative portrayal of young people, especially from the African-Caribbean community.
The project involves six months of intensive mentoring and events, including working with local statutory bodies and creative and sports providers. Self-development, discipline and anger-management courses form part of the syllabus, along with teamwork and respect for legitimate authority. Children on the project have drawn up an advisory document on combating gun and knife crime and presented it to Gordon Brown.
The scheme has been a remarkable success - and Reclaim has become synonymous with a powerful youth voice. Its story should be positive, but some of the young people involved feel they have been either ignored or that when journalists have turned up, most have only wanted to question them on guns and gangs.
In particular, some of the boys were unhappy about their treatment at the hands of a production company filming a documentary. They say they had understood it would be about their involvement with Reclaim, but the interviewer constantly brought up the subject of guns and gangs.
Fair representation?
On one occasion, the boys had been to a formal meeting and were wearing suits. According to 14-year-old Akeim, he and other boys were asked to go home and change into tracksuits and hooded tops and were then interviewed in the park where a 15-year-old boy, Jessie James, was murdered. Another boy, Amari, says the programme, shown on Channel 4 in July, failed to include a single mention of the Reclaim project and "was all about Jessie James". The interviewer asked whether he, or any of the other boys, had ever shot anybody, or been shot at, Amari says.
C4 says the producers "strongly feel" the young men were accurately and fairly represented in the short film, which was shown as part of a season of programmes about gun and knife crime. The boys were filmed where they said they regularly spend their time and were happy to be interviewed in those locations. They were not asked to dress in a way they wouldn't normally, and there was no intention or attempt to portray the young people as stereotypical or negative characters, the broadcaster says.
Professor Gus John, a fellow of the Institute of Education at the University of London, works closely with families affected by violence in Manchester. "When black youths read about themselves," he says, "it goes something like this: you are a persistently under-performing group; you are six times more likely to be excluded from school and be a young offender; you may already be in a gang, or likely to join one. The likely causes of your condition are: absentee fathers; absence of positive role models; and being surrounded by women who cannot control or motivate you. You aim too low and do not believe people like you can succeed."
Yet the reality, John says, is that there are a large number of young black males with high aspirations, who have a focus on learning and who succeed. "Often, these young men come from the same background as those who are underachieving at school, or involved with the criminal justice system. It is a sad fact that we seldom hear about these young people."
Reclaim's open letter
"We are a group of 14-year-old boys from the Reclaim project; since the project started, we have been approached by so many different newspapers, magazines and TV companies, most of who want to talk to us about guns and knives and gangs. We keep trying to explain that we are not involved in gangs and crime; we're black boys doing positive things in this area - and then journalists go away, as they tell us that's not the story people are interested in ...
The project has changed our lives in so many ways. We now consider ourselves reliable, respectable, articulate and creative young black men. We have been set difficult challenges and worked hard to achieve them. We have written a manifesto for our area and given up our weekends to distribute it, display it and explain it to the adult members of our community. We have put on parties for vulnerable members of our community, lobbied the leader of our council and spoken in front of hundreds of people ...
Negative stories of young black boys as criminals, or victims of crime, reinforces the idea that this is the reality for black people. Some young black boys will try and live up to the images they see in the media. Adults constantly criticise teenagers for being irresponsible, but the way the media tries to represent our area as if everyone was a drugs runner or gangster is totally irresponsible and morally wrong."
Number Three..
Black and Asian people targeted in stop and search surge.
Black and Asian people were disproportionately targeted by police in a surge in the use of stop and search under counterterrorism laws in the wake of the failed 2007 London bomb attack, according to official figures published today.
The Justice Ministry statistics showed that the number of black people being stopped and searched under counterterrorism laws rose by 322%, compared with 277% for Asian people and 185% for white people.
Corinna Ferguson, a barrister at human rights charity Liberty, said: "A threefold increase in anti-terror stop and search is the clearest signal that these powers are being misused. Only six in 10,000 people stopped were arrested for terrorism, let alone charged or convicted.
"And the disproportionate impact on ethic minorities is even greater than in previous years. This is why Liberty has been challenging these powers since 2003, and is taking the fight on to the court of human rights."
The Metropolitan police were responsible for most of the increase in the use of counterterrorism stop and search powers, which nationally rose from 37,197 in 2006/2007 to 117, 278 in 2007/08.
The Justice Ministry said the large rise in street searches under the terrorism laws was directly attributable to "the robust response by the Metropolitan police to the threat of terror-related networks in London since the Haymarket bomb in 2007".
The figures also disclosed a 19% increase in the use of what is called "section 60 powers", which give the police the right to stop and search anybody for 24 hours in a designated area where serious violence may take place. The power allows police to carry out the searches without having to have grounds to suspect that the person is carrying a knife or a weapon. The figures showed that there were 53,000 section 60 searches in 2007/08 with most of them in London, Birmingham and Liverpool.
There was a 64% increase in the number of black people searched under this section 60 power compared with a 41% increase for white people. In London over half of those stopped were black.
The rise in the use of counterterror powers fuelled an 8% increase in the general use of stop and search by the police in England and Wales with a total of 1,035,438 incidents recorded in 2007/08 – the highest level for 9 years. The main reason for conducting most stop and searches was for drugs.
The figures published today showed that 10 years after the official Macpherson inquiry report into the murder of black teenager Stephen Lawrence black people are still eight times more likely to be stopped and searched than white people. This is actually an increase over the previous year – 2006/07 – when black people were seven times more likely to be stopped.
The number of racially motivated incidents has risen, according to the British Crime Survey, from 184,000 in 2006/07 to 207,000 in 2007/08, but the number recorded by the police fell by 7% over the same period.
The Justice Ministry figures on the representation of black and ethnic minority people in the criminal justice system showed that little progress had been made in the past year in reducing the ethnic bias in outcomes within the police, courts and prison and probation services.
Black people are still four times more likely to be arrested and less likely to get a caution than a white person. They are more likely to be imprisoned on conviction, and black and minority ethnic groups now account for 27% of the 83,000 prison population in England and Wales.
The Justice Ministry said that, however, the police and prison services had increased the proportion of minority ethnic staff they employed, with 7% of all police officers from a minority ethnic group.